Victoria, British Columbia. A Class. Acta Classica. L'annie ipigraphique.
ISBN 13: 9780521378871
American journal of Ancient. Aufstieg und Niedergang der Romischen Welt. Antiquaries Journal. Arch Class. Archeologia Classica. Bulletin de Correspondance Hellinique. Aegyptische Urkunden aus den Staatlichen Museen ;;u.
viorechirist.tk | Roman Empire | Slavery
CA Er. Classica et Mediaevalia. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Classical Philology. Corpus P apyrorum Latinorum. Classical Quarterly. Comptes rendus de I 'Acadimie des Inscriptions et. Belles-Lettres Dialoghi di Archeologia. Echos du Monde Classique! Classical Views. Harvard Studies in Classical Philology.
Journal of the Economic and Social. History of the. Orient Journal of Roman Studies. Les itudes classiques. Memoirs of the American Academy at Rome. Miinstersche Beitriige ;;ur Antiken Handelsgeschichte. Museum Helveticum. Papers of the British School at Rome. Turner 22 reveals, a ten-year-old slave girl named Abaskantis was sold by a certain Artemidoros to a new owner, Pamphilos, in a transaction bound by the Roman law of sale.
The document opens thus:. In the consulship of L. Cuspius Rufinus and L.
Statius Quadratus, at. Side, before L. Claudius Auspicatus, demiurge and priest of the goddess. Roma, on 26 Loos.
Pamphilos, otherwise known as Kanopos, son of Aigyptos,. Aelius Gavianus stands surety for and guarantees the. The girl is healthy, in accordance with the Edict of the Aediles. All that is certain is that she was once sold by herself at a tender age in a city far from her place of birth in Galatia to the north. It looks as if she had been taken from her family of origin to become a victim of what the Roman jurist Papinian.
Digesta Iustiniani Evidently the buying and selling of human merchandise was an ordinary, prosaic aspect of Roman life that among the free caused little consternation.
A more fortunate figure than Abaskantis, it seems, was the. Roman slave Musicus Scurranus, a man known from an inscription. ILS set up to commemorate him when he died in the early first century AD. The inscription begins like this:. Lugdunensis, from those of his underslaves vicarii who were with him. Although himself a slave, that is to say, Musicus Scurranus had a personal slave retinue of his own, and his inscription actually con-.
They include a business agent, an accountant, three. Confronting slavery at Rome. In law the Roman slave was allowed to own nothing, so although he was their owner in effect, technically the vicarii of Musicus Scurranus belonged to Scurranus' own master, the emperor Tiberius. Ownership of slaves by slaves seems strange at first sight, but in societies like that of Rome where slaveowning was a critical mark of any individual's social standing it has been far from unusual.
Here it immediately exposes a hier- archy among Rome's servile population close to the top of which Musicus Scurranus apparently rose. He himself was one of the hundreds of imperially owned slaves who played an important role in the administration of the Roman empire under the new system of government introduced by Augustus. The fact that he was a finan- cial official presupposes that he was reasonably well-educated and trustworthy, and his position obviously brought him substantial.
ISBN 13: 9780521372879
In many ways, therefore, Musicus Scurranus. Another glimpse of slave life can be seen, though less brilliantly, in a legal text preserved in the Digest of Justinian, the great compi- lation of Roman law that belongs to the second quarter of the sixth century AD.
When a slave was sold- the case of Abaskantis is a good example - the law required that certain procedures be fol- lowed, one of which was that the seller should declare whether the slave was diseased or defective in any way in case the slave's capacity to perform was at all diminished.
In consequence jurists frequently had to rule on what constituted disease or defect because disputes often arose about the effects on performance of specific complaints. A startling decision of this kind is the following ruling from U! The question arises whether one whose tongue has been cut out is healthy. This problem is dealt with by Ofilius in respect of a horse. His opinion is. Now it is difficult to imagine circumstances under which a slave's tongue had been cut out unless a slaveowner had opted to punish the slave in a particularly brutal way or had engaged in a sadistic act of unwarranted violence against him.
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However, Ulpian could plainly take the severing of a slave's tongue as a realistic event that. It is not surprising, therefore, that Cicero de Republica 37 should have distinguished it from all other conventional associations by pointing out that, while a son could be expected to obey his father willingly, the slave had to be coerced and worn down into obedience by his master: his spirit had to be broken. The master-slave relationship was not a social con- tract that bound each side to a set of mutual and reciprocal obli- gations and benefits in any mutually acceptable manner; it was an arrangement intended to benefit one side only.
Thirdly, the opening items give a good idea of the varied nature of the evidence available for the study of Roman slavery. The images extend chronologically from the middle of the first century. B c to the early third century AD, indicating that it is in the central period of Roman history that most is known about the institution.
By the central period, I mean the four centuries from roughly B c to AD , a span of time which constitutes a distinct his- torical epoch despite the political and constitutional developments involved, and it is on this period that I shall for the most part concentrate. At the same time the images illustrate the range of. This means that when the historian speaks of Rome and of Roman society the terms are constantly.
Italy and at the other extreme to the whole of the empire.